Conversely, "post-identity politics" seem an impractical alternative. How does one go about striking a balance between the need for legal protections and the complex reality of sexualities (uncircumscribed by identity politics)? Wong acknowledges that "seeking civil law protection for marginalized groups requires specification of the protected categories" (199). Apart from the armchair theories of queer radicals, she offers the example of the local organization Rainbow Action's 2001 political activities. In the same month the group was engaging respectability politics at a public hearing ("We are also taxpayers but why do we enjoy fewer rights?"), members staged the first sado-masochism protest in Hong Kong in response to a sex shop police raid (208-9). The duality of these public appeals represents the hybrid agenda Wong hints at as a feasible outcome for tongzhi activism: efforts to gain legal protections paired with efforts to increase public awareness (e.g., dispelling myths about the S&M community and arbitrary definitions of "obscenity").
Wong establishes the state as a powerful arbiter of sexual discourse, with individuals and activist groups as precarious agents of social change. Ongoing efforts to define “sexual citizenship” necessitate that "(homo)sexual" political activists engage moments of both citizenship and transgression.